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The Military Question in the Framework of the Construction of the Communal State

Translation by Rudy Flores and Debs Bruno of a document from the Venezuelan Left on the question of the Communal State and Military organization. 

In general, the term “Military” is understood as everything that is related to the business of war. Consequently, Military is the qualifier that is coined for organizations, institutions, thoughts, theories, practices, customs, resources, equipment, goods, in short, everything that is related to the issue of war: the use of force or armed violence so that the opponent, adversary or enemy ends up behaving a certain way. Hence, the classic division between the Military and the Civil. In this order of ideas, the “Civil” is what initially is not Military. It is stated that initially, taking into account that the delimitation or border between the Military and the Civil is less and less precise or evident. For example, a car or vehicle conceived and built for civil use, whatever it’s brand or manufacturing origin, can perfectly adapt and be used consequently to execute a war action. Indeed, by providing it with an explosive charge and activating it by the means of a suitable device, it is possible to generate results similar to those produced by a military bomb dropped by a military aircraft. In this sense, the difference between the VBIED (civil) and the bomb dropped by the aircraft (military), lies in the fact that one vehicle moves on the ground and the other in the air.

In this sense, what is relevant is not the fact that goods or resources conceived and produced for Civil use, that is, for purposes other than war, are increasingly used in military or armed controversies. Such a situation has always been present in the development of human history. What is relevant and essentially decisive is that with the consolidation of the State as a tool of domination of a social class over the remaining classes that structure a given society, the “Military” ended up being relatively monopolized by it and, more concisely, by the class, group, elite or clique that governs it, since, in short, the military force organized as a constituent component of the State ends up acquiring the character of the State itself. In such a context, it becomes the main instrument of ensuring its domination as a social class over the rest of society.

In fact, all Monarchs claimed for themselves the capacity to have a PERMANENT ARMY and, subsequently, to designate their high commands, at the same time that they reserved for themselves the position of COMMANDER IN CHIEF. The Anti-absolutist or Anti-monarchist Social Movements inspired fundamentally by Liberal ideology fought for the suppression or delimitation of these monarchical prerogatives. With the triumph of Liberalism, therefore with the establishment of the STATE OF LAW as the universal model of the bourgeoisie for the political organization of the nation-society, the criterion of the necessity of the PERMANENT ARMY was consolidated in order to attend to all matters of the security and defense of the nation. In such a context, the PRINCIPLE OF CIVIL SUPREMACY was established, that is, that the planning, organization, financing and conducting of the Military resided in the sphere of the Civil.

Consequently, the bourgeoisie that managed to become hegemonic in their respective societies and subjected the military institutions to the aforementioned PRINCIPLE OF CIVIL SUPREMACY. Obviously this is only the case in the theoretical-normative plane, since in material reality such military bodies or apparatuses do not cease in their claim to enjoy absolute autonomy in all that is inherent to the security and defence of the nation, with the particularity that the limits of security and defence have also become diffuse and increasingly blurred.

In the singular case of Venezuela, it is not an exaggeration to affirm that the State military organization has managed to place itself in a position of notorious and indisputable supremacy in relation to the rest of the public and private institutions that currently exist in society. In this sense, the high commanders of the Bolivarian National Armed Force, as an armed body which is constitutionally responsible for guaranteeing the security and defense of the nation, product of the protagonism and supremacy that it has acquired at the expense of all the State civil institutions and, essentially, of the dismantling and deactivation of the Revolutionary Popular Movement, have practically managed to monopolize or hegemonize all the instances and organisms that make up the Venezuelan State and, subsequently, the activities that these carry out within the framework of the fulfillment of their ends.

For illustration purposes only, it is worth mentioning that today, under the direct or covert control of the high military hierarchy, are almost all activities related to the importation of food, medicines, domestic appliances, medical equipment, spare parts, and auto parts, liquors, etc.; the purchase and sale of fuel; The purchase and sale of material for the construction and manufacturing of housing; the presidencies of almost all public enterprises; almost all the directorates or management of administration and finance of public powers, ministries, public enterprises, governorates, mayors’ offices, etc.; the majority of private companies that have contracts with the State; the exploitation and commercialization of mining resources; in summary, the Venezuelan State and hence, the Venezuelan society are under the management of the high military command. This does not mean that it is the only group that benefits from government management as a whole, since bankers, importing bourgeoisie, insurance and securities brokers, owners of transnational companies, currency exchange offices, owners of television and radio plants, oil and other fuel trading companies, the high bureaucratic hierarchy of the State, etc., also enjoy full hands on the secret and stateless businesses that are carried out to the detriment of the assets of all the Venezuelan people.

Thus, the first lesson to be drawn from the constant conflict between the Military and the Civil throughout the history of humanity and, logically, the singularities that this struggle presents in our historical development as a society, is to understand that it is not enough for the Constitution and other laws of the Republic to establish legal norms that prohibit or limit the military institution as a whole. The dynamics that it unleashes in its daily work, as well as the logic that ultimately guides its development make such prohibitions or limits inefficient or ineffective, in short, that such normative devices end up being discursive proclamations that have no impact on reality, that is to say, that they end up being dead letters.

The center of the question is in what has been insisted in this series of articles related to the Communal State, that is to say, with the historical challenge that implies the design, construction and activation of a set of mechanisms or physical means that in the concrete historical reality prevent the high command of the PERMANENT AND PROFESSIONAL ARMY from becoming a group or factor that hegemonizes all the institutionality of the State and the life of society, which evidently requires questioning and overcoming the traditional and generally accepted Military approach of Liberal-bourgeois root, whose reasonings prevail even in organizations that proclaim themselves revolutionary and Marxist. In such a perspective, it is vital for the historical future of the Homeland to undertake a broad, energetic and intense process of Popular Education inspired by the most advanced currents of revolutionary thought on the question of the security and defense of the People, without this leading to the denial of the Nation, but as an obligatory distinction within the framework of the class struggle and with a view to the construction of the Communal State.

Thus, what is demanded by the reality that Venezuela is going through, which, logically, is not limited to guaranteeing the continuity of the management of the current governing elite, but obliges us to tackle everything that is necessary in order to build a worthy, decent, safe, productive, prosperous, independent, sovereign homeland, in short, a happy homeland, in other words, a Socialist Homeland, proposes to transcend the individual questioning of this or that high military official by virtue of his authoritarian, corrupt or treasonous practices to give way to a true BATTLE OF IDEAS around the Liberal-bourgeois ideology that sustains and orients the raison d’être and behavior of the military institution as a whole.

In this context, and having as a guiding objective the question of the construction of the Communal State, it is necessary to rethink what concerns the monopolization by the Permanent and Professional Army of everything that implies the security and defense of the people-society and, naturally, everything that this implies, that is to say, economy, politics, culture, etc. In other words, the security and defense of what Venezuela means concerns all Venezuelans, given that its future as a concrete historical reality will depend on the quality of the future that each and every one of the members of the people-society will have to face, therefore, the first point to be elucidated on the occasion of the construction of the Communal State is whether the exclusivity of the handling of the security and defense issue is preserved in the hands of the military institution or, on the contrary, it advances according to the conception of the PEOPLE IN ARMS, that is, of the autonomous preparation and organization for war of the oppressed and exploited classes and social sectors that are part of the Venezuelan nation-society, logically taking into account the ways in which this has been developed at the same time.

The simple fact is that until now there is no other way to repel armed aggression other than through the use of armed force. Vindicating the institution of the PEOPLE IN ARMS does not mean being militaristic and even categorically denies the need for the existence of a permanent and professional military corps, since what is discussed is not the professionalization and permanence of the corps as such, but in reality, assumes the monopoly of the direction of all matters related to the war, beyond what is established by the institutional legal order of the State.

It is reiterated that this is an essential and decisive aspect, especially if one considers the distinctive features of our historical process as a Republic, in which the following stand out, among others: The civil mandates in our republican history have been an exception, or in opposite sense, the military mandates have been the constant in our republican history. Military caudillismo has been the main factor in the conduction of the processes of struggle that have developed in it; the conformation of the Permanent and Professional Army goes back to the beginnings of the XX century, the period in which the centralization of the State is concretized and its capitalist-bourgeois character begins to manifest itself.

On the other hand, it is necessary to keep in mind the characteristic features of the dominant mentality in the Venezuelan State military force, which obviously has repercussions on its collective behavior: metaphysical and esoteric vision of life; full ignorance of the materialist conception of history, therefore, denial of the class struggle and abstract vindication of the notion of Nation; deification of the figure of Bolivar and a valuation of the revolutionary struggle waged by the Venezuelan people as events executed by individually considered heroes; demerit and underestimation of the civil, therefore, authoritarianism and arrogance in the face of everything that is not military; corporate spirit, consequently, they constitute themselves as a group with their own interests that leads them to separate themselves from the mission that corresponds to them as a State institution; uncritical obedience to superior orders; Mechanical distrust of any reflection, proposal or initiative that does not come from their natural commanders; conservation of secrecy in the administration and use of resources; acriticity; omission of accountability; Dogmatic discipline, in short, the mentality that prevails as a whole is one that is functional to the domination exercised by hegemonic capitalist groups through the Liberal-Bourgeois State currently prevailing in Venezuela, hence the idea that vertebrates the majority of the Permanent and Professional Army membership is that to the extent that they obediently and efficiently serve the governing classes and groups, they achieve at the end of their military careers a golden retirement product of what they have been irregularly accumulating throughout that.

Anyone can think that this is not the moment to exteriorize these reflections since they can contribute to weaken or demoralize the revolutionary forces that inside and outside the military institution face with patriotic firmness the imperialist aggression of which Venezuela is the object. It is based on the opposite consideration, that is to say, that to the extent that Venezuelans consciously assume that the question of the security and defense of the country is not an exclusive affair of the military and, consequently, openly fight in order to correct all the deviations present in the PERMANENT MILITARY BODY, in that same measure progress will be made in the deepening and strengthening of all that supposes the security and defense of the homeland. In the same way, to the extent that progress is made towards a new military organization that breaks with the monopoly that the Permanent Army exercises over the issues inherent to security and defense, to the same extent progress is made in the construction of a new type of State which, in our case, is the Communal State.

In this order of ideas, it is determining to bear in mind that the construction of the Communal State does not take place in a vacuum, that is to say, on the margin or outside of what is happening at present in Venezuela, hence it is mandatory to start from the concrete reality in which one lives, in this sense, it is vital to bear in mind the distinctive features of our historical process and the characteristic features of the Venezuelan military mentality, since they constitute inputs for the process of formulating a revolutionary strategy based on the building of the Socialist Homeland, especially in the field of Popular Education and the theoretical foundations of the new institutional legal order of the Republic.

Likewise, the complex, dynamic and delicate situation that we are going through is part of the current national situation, because of the intensification of the imperial offensive led by the US government. Therefore, it is within the framework of this decisive reality in which the construction of the Communal State will be hastened, because, it is reiterated, materially it cannot be built in a vacuum. This is why the Revolutionary Popular Movement, and especially the Communal and Peasant Movement, which has raised and promotes the project of concretizing the organization of the Communal State as part of the solutions to the chaos in which Venezuela lives, has before it a set of tasks related to the preparation and development of the People’s War, in the perspective of confronting and annihilating all the bourgeois political-military organizations that, being at the service of imperialism, seek to take back the homeland to the colonial situation, ignoring the fact that sovereignty was conquered by the Venezuelan people on the battlefields with weapons in their hands, and with them, and with the same heroic attitude, will know how to defend it in order to guarantee its perpetuity.

In this sense, arming the revolutionary masses as part of the development of the People’s War in the face of imperialist aggression, and as a strategy of anti-capitalist struggle, implies anticipating the establishment of the institution of the PEOPLE IN ARMS, which in turn represents the prefiguration of one of the structuring elements of the Communal State. This is why it is said that burying the internal bourgeoisie at the same time as initiating the internationalization of the People’s War against capital, especially that embodied in Yankee imperialism, means advancing by leaps and bounds in the process of building the Communal State.

FROM THE VENEZUELAN MOUNTAINS AND FIELDS

PRODUCE FOOD, TECHNOLOGY AND DIGNITY

LET’S KEEP PUSHING THE SUN

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New Perspectives On Popular Struggle in Venezuela Against Intervention

Our comrade from Venezuela provides us with another dispatch, giving a strategic view on the situation arguing that a defensive war against imperialism must be transformed into a People’s War that changes the nature of society itself in a radical way, furthering the most radical aspects of the Bolivarian Revolution. 

Members of the Venezuelan National Bolivarian Militia

As a response to the war that the imperialists have imposed on us with all the force of ethnocide and genocide, an expression of the need for slavery in all its different historical forms (from slavery itself to the current wars of imperial invasion), the mass struggle against imperialism potentially takes the form of the People’s War. The People’s War is not necessarily an armament-centered war. It goes beyond a quantitative measurement of bullets, rifles and changes of government and rather is about the prevalence of one political project over another, using all its organic strength to reorder life and society. It is a war that is based on the prevalence of the majority signifier of the population (which in our case is the nation: Venezuela), that through its communal intelligence seeks and achieves its very emancipation. At the foundation of our struggle our motivation must be for total democracy, the abolition of all forms of oppression, and communism. But it must also acquire the form that the people give it. In our case, the Latin American and Bolivarian referents have a lot of weight.

Once the death of political representation is a fact, the people, in their contempt for the right wing and corrupt bureaucracy of the PSUV, need to form a third force. If the feigned force of the government collapses and internal contradictions erupt, little by little generals and officers who have been part of the big smuggling and drug-trafficking mafia with all the power of the state will negotiate their lives. Much of the military command of the Bolivarian National Armed Forces (FANB), especially the Bolivarian National Guard (GNB), has bled out the country’s resources in an excessive and shameless manner. For no one is the brutal theft of meat, gasoline, CLAP boxes and paper money that has taken place on the Colombian border a secret; nor the looting of strategic minerals, such as gold, along the Brazilian border. All of the above, together with the worrying increase in drug trafficking in the east of the country to Trinidad and Tobago, should convince us that we do not have a large part of the FANB military command on our side.

The important thing is that interventionist operations are on the way. If the gringos achieve by military or political means overthrowing Maduro and the government of the PSUV, they will believe that they have won. But far from defeating us, they would unleash the awakening of the true heir of the Bolivarian Popular Revolution: the collective vanguard that is willing to die before seeing their hopes discarded, made of social bonds that transcend the government, and bases its strength in the fighting spirit of the people. In the bosom of the towns, a new force is silently shaping itself that will not let itself be swept away by its dreams. The gringos would face the fury of that same people who carried out the first uprising against world neoliberalism on February 27 of 1989, which after the fall of the socialist bloc had told the world that history had not come to its end and that there was still hope. That same people would open the millennium with a government that proclaimed itself socialist and shake up global geopolitics, proposing a multipolar and socialist world.

This parties of this savage capitalist system will do everything it can to consummate a coup that it could not finish 17 years ago (on April 11, 2002). There is a world of capitalists waiting for this outcome. We must not be disarmed in the hands and mind, nor disunited before a gigantic challenge that comes to us: the production of a force that opens the third decade of the millennium with a mass movement that renews hope and socialist praxis. At this time we poor people must ensure the possibility that the counterrevolution instead becomes a new emancipatory process thanks to the national formation of assemblies and councils that remove all the political trash that for years have infiltrated us. Nonetheless it is true is that there is not much time left, and we must act now to ensure that if this government bursts like this country has, we will never return to the old neoliberal capitalism, including its politicians, parties and other interests that have prepared with the help of the US to take back the command they lost twenty years ago. What is Guaido but an agent of the dependent and enslaving imperialist order?

A program of productive and just emancipation needs its own map of communal and labor institutional, workers and communities that dispute real and concrete power to the new masters on the way. These territorial networks and tissues must be prepared for such structuring in the coming times. The organized territorial axes: south, western, western and coastal centers, must all begin this journey with full organizational and productive capacity, leaving behind the stupid history of sectarianism and group confrontations that have done so much damage to the left, and in Venezuela have saturated popular power. This must start with ending the bureaucratic corruption that dominates PSUV. Public spaces of vital importance must be taken and administered again with genuine democracy, beginning with the administration of some elementary services such as water or transport, as well as the resources of educational and cultural institutions, displacing the parasitical corruption of the PSUV.

The direction that the People’s War outlined will take depends on the course of possible scenarios, one of which could see the continental right-wing “mercenaryize” the territory (filling it with armed bands following the Syrian model). Already in very specific areas of our territory, we see that gangsters and paramilitaries have political and military control, especially in socially but highly strategic marginalized areas, such as the borders of Zulia, Táchira and Bolívar. The people’s war must mobilize our territorial and sovereign muscle to impose our order. Will weapons be necessary? Of course, but the principle of people’s war is not merely arms but the ability of people to find themselves and organize a rebellion. We must understand that the struggle we undertake is not for the permanence of a populist government, which circumstantially favors the working class and then the bourgeoisie: our cause goes beyond that, it is the transition of Humanity towards a new kind of civilization. For that, we move paths of peace while building educational, artistic or productive proposals, but we must also prepare for the defense of the projects and ideas of the new civilization.

The popular movement must ensure some strategic points to realize victory. We are in a situation where governmental control over territory is in a state of crisis with the turmoil at the border seeing an incomplete state monopoly of control. However, it is important to categorically differentiate the control of a domain, which implies the mandatory submission of majorities, to the command of liberation, which springs from the same dynamic as the struggle of the exploited classes. The first is an exclusive command and its deliberations are secret, the second is a collective, democratic and critical command. In these two decades of social process in our land grassroots leaders have proliferated, who despite not registering within the Chavism constitute an important popular force: unions, communal councils, peasant organizations, indigenous communities and many more. Due to the political-economic crisis, this leadership is confined to its specific territorial spaces where they naturally have influence and leaving aside the possibility of joining a collective vanguard.

The first step for us is to have a unified and popular but not necessarily homogenous command. The unity of all the anti-imperialist national sectors is urgent, although they are not entirely in agreement with the socialist strategic program. The creation of this unity will surely attract high military commanders and relevant PSUV characters, as well as other important subjects of the Venezuelan political class. At this point, however,  it is important that the social base’s leadership does not lose its hegemony of command over the people’s war. This democratic-national command must not reproduce the old relations of domination of the bourgeois state, but follow the legacy of the Bolivarian emancipatory process and deepen participatory democracy. The discourse of the revolutionary forces should not be the war for the reordering of the bourgeois Nation-State, but for a war for a new Nation-Communal Republic that self-governing, in permanent redefinition, articulation, and expansion. Faced with the government of death and violence, we must raise “a government on things and not on people” as Marx said. The People’s War in the Venezuelan case must have as a strategic objective the total or partial control of the oil industry at the hands of the workers of PDVSA, as well as other productive sectors; replicating the experience of the oil industry in 2003. Many objectives are demarcated from this point, but first of all, without unity of the popular sectors we can not overcome our enemies.

Finally, it is necessary to clarify that we are in lands that breathe a story that has been too similar for five hundred years. We are part of the same historical flow that led us together to the continental uprising against the capitalist imperial order and its macabre civilization two hundred years ago, and that at the beginning of the millennium meant gigantic mass movements brought progressive governments to power throughout the region. Therefore, it is impossible that we do not understand ourselves as a historical community, one which the Cuban independence fighter José Martí was able to name with all the poetry it deserves: “Nuestramerica”, or, our land,  although also the land of endless looting. At the same time, it is a history fragmented in space and time, fragmented to the same extent that our lands were separated into nation-states with the betrayal of the liberal elites that divided our continent and helped to give a final form to the capitalist world order, contrary to the Bolivarian dream of continental unity. Our rebellions have been cut and separated on national lines, yet with the historical process that we are experiencing the collective command of the People’s War will have to understand that the liberation struggle is not confined to Venezuela alone. Our struggle is not the prevalence of a national government, but the transition of Humanity towards a new type of society. This translates into discussion and constant work in the department of international revolutionary coordination.

The mobsters and traitors who bleed the revolution they claim to represent have run out of time. Their ability to bring people to hunger to pay for their corruption has been indescribable. Now comes a new stage where the people’s war and its ability to displace the old and rotten Republic must open the way to a true self-governing and socialist, productive Republic, made by the science of the people, that is based on a free knowledge that completely confronts this modern capitalist civilization. We will continue pushing the sun even in the darkest of nights.

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The Scam of Representation: Dispatch from Venezuela

By publishing this statement from an anonymous Venezuelan citizen, we aim to provide a counter to the narrative that the US-backed Guiado coup is a legitimate expression of the discontent of the popular masses with the mismanagement of the economy by Maduro. While critical of the Maduro government, with their concessions to the national and international bourgeoisie and halting of the revolutionary process, the author argues that the popular masses must stand with Maduro against imperialist intervention. 

Hands off Venezuela!

Who is the president and who represents whom? Venezuela is perhaps the country where we see a complete failure in the political field of all the big significant advances of modernity, where the whole myth of representation has come down. These are years of political troops fighting between each other until they reach the point where there is no political representation whatsoever in the National Assembly and the National Government. In other words, the State is completely broken and in the meantime the big mafias and small groups of the privileged that control the distribution of some resources (fundamentally food) fill their pockets, leaving a hungry people and a scarcity of everything. The big capitals do what they want while the “representatives” try to tie themselves to them in order to win their next spot as a representative of the people. It is true the military decides what they want in the border areas, but after all, they are just troops that depend on the decisions of a state power completely outlawed. All of this would not be impossible to overcome if we were talking about a real ongoing revolution where the law is the last legacy of a collective will that has appropriated its own collective life: the premise of all revolutionary revolt. But it is not like that, the Bolivarian revolution became a circus of interests folded to a representative logic that, as times go by, causes a country to dissolve itself.

But let’s not be like the whiner that denounces and screams without knowing what to claim or who to blame.


Venezuela is a national space (within the Latin American context of struggle against the misery imposed by capitalism and colonialism) that at some historic point, reflecting the economic power of giant oil revenues, wanted to turn that power into a new form of State that was not constituted power, but the power of constituents in order to gain an absolutely fantastic independence (to the extent that those same riches in the end were and are products of imperial needs, based in the current world order). One day we considered a true technological and food sovereignty with a few years of work and research, and we had spaces in which that was briefly possible. For challenging that unipolar world and believing in the beautiful possibility of transforming this world, imperialism deeply hated us and conspired for two decades to destroy us spiritually and economically, buying the will of those corrupted by it. The revolution fell among military traitors and civilians who preferred to use the pockets of dollars to go on forming corruption tribes; and while money lasted, they served enough resources to middle and popular classes to breathe their dreams, at least until the end of the reserves and the beginning of a devaluation tragedy which led to this pointless collapse.

Chavez died and the conspiracy began to be evident. The corrupt logic of those opportunists, who secretly wanted that Chávez to die, who do not obey any theory except the capitalist degradation with which the big capitals deceive the peripheral countries, becomes infinite in each particle of the territory until it reaches this really tragic point. Now we are talking about leadership that doesn’t represent anyone. The popular movement unravels among so much fantasy and we arrive at the circus without stars.


The Chavismo that could be established was not based on the power of the constituent, but instead a fundamentally Caudillist movement that gathers the great revolutionary losses of the 19 and 20th century and tries to update them, starting from the rebellion of February 27, to a world where the representative fallacies of the western world absorbed our continent. All the nationalist and justice myths reappeared but in a new popular hope. In short, this revived Caudillism, that couldn’t be the paradoxical possibility of a real revolution in the 21th century, could only survive on his (Chávez’s) own character. Once Chávez disappeared and left behind him the roots of the opportunists and immensely corrupt who joined him, the power discourse becomes garbage. And in the meantime, they attempt to seek legitimacy, as they have managed to establish representative bodies such as the ANC (National Constituent Assembly) that are the remains of a collapsed revolution.

In this economic situation, it is the responsibility of the billionaires that left a completely broken country fraying internally in all its institutional structures and services, and in the cracks a opposition is reborn. They only served to play the game, to do dirty business, to validate this movement between Caudillismo, corruption and representation, and sometimes trying to play the role of historical heroes of bourgeois democracy. There are not two bands of power, but two powers that try to constitute themselves unfairly. This tragical political circus is very close to a horrendous civil war.

Who gets the power? The rich will negotiate between them. Meanwhile, we are the poorest society on the continent. I only offer a hypothesis. The gringos retire from Syria, leaving an open field to the fascist of Erdogan to invade the north of Syria and to end the insurgency of Rojava. They have now chosen a new target, their natural sphere of influence, their own continent. South America is filled with right-wing governments. The satrapy that will remain in power will have to decide whether to abandon it, negotiate or prepare for war; but after the drowned Bolivarian revolution all representation is dead.

It is the time to prepare the resistance and reinvent ourselves in a new subject that must emerge from this total crisis. It is the time of a new, beautiful and very hard revolution.

In the face of an imperial aggression in Venezuela, all patriotic sectors must unite against the invading threat. I support Nicolás Maduro if he is willing to fight US imperialism to the last consequences, but the PSUV government has been a total destruction of the nation and must cease. But we will resolve that only after the imminent imperialist threat is over. The tragedy to which the terrible management of the PSUV and the opposition conspiracy (commanded by the CIA) has led to this beautiful country is only surpassed by the one we are facing with a possible invasion of the gringos.